The Pakistani Spectator

There has been a recurring debate in last week’s papers about the power of language in shaping the trends and environment in a nation. Renowned linguistic science professor, Tariq Rehman explained the permeation of English in our society, he used the example of call centers.

He has explained the relevance of shaping employee ideas and thoughts by creating an artificial setting of a western environment, and then focusing on the employee shedding their local culture and language to be substituted by English. This trend is most often seen in our local elite, this is the westernized class, which I mentioned, in my previous article. There is strong social pressure in some of the large; “modern” schools to adopt this line of thought. Students are often faced with stark ostracization and sometimes may bear the brunt of taunts such as, “Urdu medium” group. Such students are usually, not regarded as the socially powerful, or ones which are included in the “in group”. At this point, I would not even consider the psychological impact this can have on an adolescent, we mustn’t forget that students at this age are usually very impressionable and do not have the liberty of independent thinking. This article is going to talk about the impact an imperial language can have on a population as a whole.

The importance of language is often not considered in social debates, it is regarded as a side issue, with the main one being the position and shape of a particular ethnicity. Our country is ripe with such examples. To have a good understanding of the subject a brief history of language needs to be understood. At the time of inception Pakistan’s largest support came from East Pakistan, this constituted nearly half the population of Pakistan. Support from Punjab was at second, Sindh, and NWFP were not very proactive in the independence movement due to some other reasons. Baluchistan had initially refused to join Pakistan, but then later conformed. Such positioning of the political and social order paved way to the current thinking in Pakistan. Having being the largest supporters of Pakistan, East Pakistan wanted its support to be realized and acknowledged. One of the initial issues raised by the Bengalis had been of the national language. Languages are the modes of communication for entire ethnicities; it is the fluid in nations, therefore it is important to look at them from a more personalized viewpoint rather than arbitrary. For most ancient societies and cultures, such as Sindhi and Baluchi, their language is the basis of their pride; it gives them a sense of belonging and a deep entrenchment in their cultures. Similarly the Bengalis were very proud of their heritage and felt that culture gave them a sense of identity. Being the most proactive members in the creation of Pakistan they believed that their new homeland would safeguard their cultural interests.

However the first blow came, when a language spoken by less than thirteen percent of the population was declared the national language. Urdu was spoken by a very small percentage of the population and was mainly spoken by the landed class and elite of united India. This imposition of an alien language was unacceptable to the Bengalis, who started agitating at the belief of being controlled by a Urdu dominated class. The proposal of giving other regional languages equality was immediately rejected and Urdu became the modus operand. As the language received more support from the federal cabinet, the Urdu speakers or who were more commonly known as the Muhajir’s started to gain popularity in the bureaucracy. Jobs were automatically rationed to the Urdu speakers, who were low in number at the time; thus, the indigenous languages and cultures of Pakistan started to be marginalized. While the minority group mainly controlled Sindh at the time, Punjab and Baluchistan were under the hands of the dominant Punjabis. The Punjabi-Muhajir nexus became the ruling and most dominant factor in the federation. The oppressed regional languages, cultures and consequently politics started to suffer.

It is important to note, that decades later, when Pakistan developed the material class, which was the most westernized and privileged, came from the two powerful groups mentioned. The sub-marginalization and estrangement of the regional groups cost Pakistan a chunk of its already moth eaten territory.
Understanding the history might give us a good picture of what actually happened, but it does not show us the impact of this marginalization. In today’s society, the impact can be seen and heard all the time. The general perception of any regional ethnicities is atrocious, the imperial and superior mindsets of the Urdu speakers and the Punjabi speakers has been instrumental in alienating most provincial groups.

I have found myself in situations time and time again, where a group of friends, belonging to the Urdu speaking elite, are involved in vilification of other ethnicities. Their culture, their attire, and dress codes are either looked down upon of made the object of senseless, superior jokes. We are faced with a society, which has estranged their regional partners, yet we are often the first to criticize their failings, and not look at ours. Decades of oppression are enough to mould the mindset of a nation, today when we are confronted with other ethnicities; we are the human form of their hatred. This is seen in disruption in the city life, and sometimes gate crashing of some elite based events. Although the idea of either form of vandalism is not condoned, it should be understood from a historical perspective. When such form of hatred is personified, it might not be a direct result of oppression necessarily, but it is the indirect effect, of decades of indoctrination.

We have reached a point in our national history, where one part has broken away, and the others are looking to break the Punjab-Muhajir nexus. For now it is the Punjab nexus. Speaking to a Baluch activist, he assured me that the Baluch disenchantment had reached such as a stage, where “talks” held no significance. They were involved in brutal murders of some Punjabis and Muhajir’s, and were not looking to change that trend; now their only demand is separation.

When such a trend of suppression is present in the politics of the country, then it is easier to understand the development of another class, or ethnicity, this is the “neutral” apolitical elite class.

For them political activism is a parse idea, this is usually the class which supports military rule, due to their limited understanding of the deep rooted cultural and social undercurrents. This is the class, which belongs to the technocratic elite, and goes to the posh schools of the country. This is the same class, which has now moved away from any local language to one, which they have imported along with their beliefs and ideas.